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Wednesday
Feb162011

US support for online freedom jars 

“Dictator’s dilemma” is a nice phrase, but Hillary Clinton’s offer to help internet freedom around the world has a hollow ring.

Clinton has promised $25m to help people evade government internet controls, on top of the $20m the State Department spent last year. Repressive governments will “have to choose between letting the walls fall or paying the price to keep them standing,” Clinton said.

That’s the dilemma – but the fact is it’s not just one for dictators.

As Clinton made her grand speech, the US government was in court trying to pry open Twitter accounts to identify those associated with Wikileaks.  A secret grand jury has been convened to find grounds for a criminal case against Wikileaks’ Julian Assange (so far they have found none.)

Meanwhile, the US House of Representative has just voted to extend some domestic spy provisions of the Patriot Act, Wired reports. Tomorrow administration officials are expected to testify before a House subcommittee about the need to expand the wiretap laws to cover BlackBerry, Facebook and Skype.

Clinton’s Civil Society 2.0 plan, has some nice ideas (and it's intriguing that when first announced 15 months ago it focused on North Africa and the Middle East) but US still faces the same dilemmas as everyone else. 

Wednesday
Feb162011

Huawei raises the stakes in US

Huawei has upped the stakes in Washington with its decision to ignore a request from a key security body to divest itself of Silicon Valley startup 3Leaf Systems.

Huawei bought the firm, which offers virtualisation and other server technology, for $2m last May, but did not declare it at the time, claiming it not believe it was necessary.

The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (Cfius) has told Huawei that it must sell 3Leaf or it will recommend to the White House that the deal be unwound.

In a move clearly intended to throw the spotlight on what it perceives as unfair treatment in the US, Huawei will bypass that and take the issue straight to Obama, the FT reports.

“This is brinkmanship,” said one veteran attorney who asked not to be named. “To say ‘We are going to appeal to the president over the recommendation of his national security advisers’, which is what Cfius is, is stunning.”

Huawei, the world’s third-largest vendor, has jumped through every hoop in its effort to crack the US market but has been stymied because of its alleged links with the PLA.

CEO Ren Zhengfei co-founded the company in Shenzhen in 1987 with fellow ex-PLA officers. The privately-held firm has never fully disclosed its shareholders, but it has denied it has any military connections.

Huawei’s bid for networking firm 3Com in 2008 and its attempt to sell wireless gear to Sprint Nextel last year were both blocked on security grounds.

Its frustration is understandable, but the danger in this strategy is that the issue will become embroiled in the fractious US-China hi-tech relationship. It also ties Huawei very publicly to the Chinese government.

FT speculates it may also prompt retaliatory action from Beijing, where the government has yet to approve Motorola’s acquisition of Nokia Siemens’ assets, which include some Huawei intellectual property.

Coincidence or not, rival ZTE is also showing signs of irritation, with CFO Wei Zaisheng recently complaining about US political interference.

“The government should promote a fair, equitable, normal and free commercial environment, and it shouldn't interfere,” he told Dow Jones.

 

 

 



Tuesday
Feb152011

The China web: More than just ideotainment

More on the internet and civil society in China.

In an op-ed in SCMP Tuesday (sub. required), former Swedish Ambassador to China Borje Ljunggren goes through some of the recent literature*, noting that Chinese party-state is “pluralising [the] internet to its own advantage" and filling the media with “ideotainment.”

But quoting author Johan Lagerkvist, he also describes “an ongoing erosion of the party-state's power over civil society”, with a rise in activism and the formation of new social norms online and offline.

While censorship is absolutely central to the system, “its usage is increasingly exposed” as web users become aware of it, with the result that the idea of a “right to know” is taking shape in China's growing online civil society.

*  The Power of the Internet in China - Citizen Activism Online, Guobin Yang ;  After the Internet, Before Democracy - Competing Norms in Chinese Society and Media, Johan Lagerkvist; Changing Media, Changing China, Susan Shirk (ed.)


Tuesday
Feb152011

Egypt, the social web, China

Now the smoke, if not the actual protesters, has cleared from Tahrir Square, we can see that that the web played a decisive role in removing a seemingly-entrenched ruler.Not to say that Facebook brought down the unloved but rich-as-Croesus Mubarak. But we now know that the web and Facebook were critical in enabling the movement to wrongfoot the government and to survive in the face of attacks.

Google exec Wael Ghonim, the unlikely hero of the uprising, has dubbed it Revolution 2.0 – the title of a book he is writing.

The word “revolution” gets thrown around a lot, but here the “2.0” part is the more important. As Ghonim told 60 Minutes:

Revolution 2.0 is, is — I say that our revolution is like Wikipedia, OK? Everyone is contributing content. You don't know the names of the people contributing the content ... This is exactly what happened. Revolution 2.0 in Egypt was exactly the same.

2.0 here means the power of many versus the power of the few, using technologies that enable them to skirt the traditional roadblocks on communicating, organising and publishing.

Dave Letterman got perfectly 2.0-ed last night when his Sports Illustrated swimsuit scoop was blown by Twitter. An ad agency staffer, Rana Wardlaw, took a photograph of the billboard outside her office and then tweeted it, later telling a reporter: 

They unveiled the billboard for a few minutes to tape it for the Letterman Show and then covered it back up. I guess they didn't cover it fast enough!

Not fast enough. When you’re competing against many, you’ve got to be quick. And smart. 

Wall Street Journal has revealed how disparate activists used the web to outwit police to gain a foothold in Tahrir Square on January 28.

The trick was to arrange some 20 small rallies via Facebook, and which the police would know about. But they went offline to organise a secret, separate protest that police were too late to prevent from reaching the square. They’ve been there ever since. 

Ghonim spent 12 days in detention. When he came out, Egypt's interior minister said to him: “No one understood how you did it.”

Ghonim last year founded a Facebook page, “We Are All Khaled Said,” in memory of a man believed to have been beaten to death by police. The page gathered 450,000 followers.

Not wanting to be called a “cyber-utopian” by Evgeny Morozov, I should observe that revolutions are created by social forces, not technology tools, and Egypt’s was sparked by events in Tunisia and driven by anger over rising food prices, repression and the rest. 

Morozov’s argument that networked IT can threaten as much as enable liberty would be read in this part of the world with nods of approval.

Chinese certainly have got the 2.0 message. It’s telling that they’ve filtered searches for “Egypt” and “Mubarak” on social media sites, but not the wider web.

While events in the Middle East must be disturbing to them, they know that their censorship system would choke Revolution 2.0 at every turn. Start a Facebook page for a victim of state violence? Not a chance. Use social media to organise protests? Nope. Online discussions? Monitored, “guided”, filtered and if necessary “harmonised”. Offline, there is no prospect of setting up an independent political party or organization. 

Yet even China, like Egypt, was forced to take the extreme step of turning off the entire web when violence erupted in Xinjiang 18 months ago.

Such reckless self-harm merely makes Wael Ghonim’s point: 2.0 helped drive Mubarak out of office. Autocrats beware.

Monday
Feb142011

Mobile World Congress instant preview

The striking thing about the GSMA confab, which kicks off today, is the presence of virtually none of the web heavyweights with mobile ambitions. Here’s what to look for (or avoid):

Handset OS wars:  A current favourite, given new life by Nokia’s embrace of Microsoft, and extra spice from Elop’s insistence that RIM doesn’t exist. It will be handsets at 30 paces when Elop and RIM’s Jim Balsillie share a platform on Wednesday.

Mobile vs. the web: Another saga; Eric Schmidt played the baddie to perfection last year and is back again for more this year with a dedicated keynote session of his own. Respect! This year the other net-centirc speakers – Chambers, Otellini, Son and Bartz - have been bottled up into one session.

Mobile traffic loads: Vendors big and small are pitching ways of smoothing out groaning traffic levels on mobile networks. Alcatel-Lucent is promising to do away with the base station altogether.

New threats: Even for the continually-disrupted telcos, the latest challenges look especially stressful, with Apple plotting its own multi-SIM phone and Facebook and PlayStation also prepping handsets. None of those will be in Barcelona, nor will Google, Twitter or Skype; along with Apple (a perennial truant) these are the web firms that will most impact on mobile.

A quick glance at the MWC conference agenda will tell you what else is preying on the minds of operators: advertising (ie, how to make money out of it), social networking (ditto), mobile money (how not to get screwed by the banks), and innovation (how to get some).

Otherwise, a bog standard telecom industry conference, with delicious tapas not quite enough to make up for congested Wi-Fi and the steep hotel tariffs. At least the rip-off roaming rates will make the cellco guys feel at home.

Update: This post has been revised to reflect that Eric Schmidt was in fact a conference speaker (I missed that he was given his own late afternoon session!).  His presentation contained nothing new, apart from announcing a video editor for the Honeycomb version of Android and unsuccessfully trying to show a demo of it, according to Ovum.